How Middle Class Liberals Destroyed The Labour Party
In his
comprehensive report into why Labour lost the 2015 General Election, Jon Cruddas broke down the electorate into 3 broad but distinct groups — the affluent, socially liberal Pioneers, pragmatic Prospectors and socially conservative Settlers. Last May Labour suffered badly at the hands of two of these groups (The Prospectors and The Settlers). It was only the Pioneers who embraced Miliband’s message;
“…the Pioneers who currently make up 34 per cent of voters. They are spread evenly through different age groups. Pioneers are socially liberal and more altruistic than most voters. They are at home in metropolitan modernity and its universalist values. As the name suggests they value openness, creativity, self-fulfilment and self-determination. They are more likely to vote according to their personal ideals and principles such as caring and justice. They tend to be better off and to have been to university. They now make up a large majority of the Labour Party membership.”
These were my people, they lived in my circles and made up my social world. On the surface, the Pioneers were Labour’s greatest strength, but the in fact they were Labour’s Achilles heel. This is because the progressive middle class had one great fallibility, self-indulgence. It was these people who last summer destroyed the Labour Party.
As it became clear that my CLP was on the verge of nominating Jeremy Corbyn as Labour leader, I stood up and pleaded with them to learn the lessons from our defeat. I argued that we needed a candidate who will win us seats from Nuneaton to Dover to Great Yarmouth. Outside of our middle class liberal bubble, Labour was becoming a toxic brand. We were becoming seen as a Party solely for the liberal elite. Therefore we needed to look outwards and challenge these assumptions, not indulge them. We needed a Labour leader who can win back those who thought we weren’t credible in running the economy. We needed a leader who would listen to socially conservative voters worried about immigration, and challenge their assumptions that we have an ‘open door’ policy. Basically, we needed to win over voters who didn’t scoff at The Sun or dismiss the Daily Mail. Here we were, a stone’s throw from Goldsmith’s university, in the heart of metropolitan inner London — Labour will always win here.
My pleas fell on deaf-ears. I watched as rational, educated individuals hugged the warm blanket of electoral myths. I watched as my comrades sank into self-indulgence. For decades the Left have hung on to the idea that amongst the large numbers of non-voters, there is a secret well of staunch left-wingers waiting on the day that we build Jerusalem. If only we had a candidate who could reach out to them. Yet there is no evidence that non-voters lean predominantly to the Left. Immediately after the election The Trade Union Congress produced a
wealth of polling on the attitudes of non-voters. When asked what prevented non-voters from supporting Labour, the top 4 responses were: 35% ‘don’t know’, 30% ‘they can’t be trusted with the economy’, 23% ‘they would make it too easy for people to live on benefits’, 22% ‘they would raise taxes’. That hardly sounds like the talk of ardent social democrats.
Time and time again Scotland was used as a stick to beat pragmatism with. Yet the idea that Labour lost their seats in Scotland because they were too centrist doesn’t hold up to scrutiny. It was clear that moving to the Left in an attempt to win a handful of seats in Scotland while alienating the Tory voters we needed to win over across England, would be an act blind self-destruction. And it was. Moving to the Left in Scotland helped the Tories to portray themselves as the credible Unionist voice in Scotland. The SNP crushed Labour earlier this month. Humiliatingly, Labour are now the third biggest Party in Scotland.
Perhaps the most pervasive myth reeled out verbatim in stuffy community halls across the land was that Labour lost because they were ‘pro-austerity’. This
independent inquiry into Labour’s defeat revealed that the opposite was true; the Tories didn’t win despite austerity, they won because of it. The result was brutal for the Left. Voters instead rejected Labour because they perceived the Party as anti-austerity lite. 58% agree that, ‘we must live within our means so cutting the deficit is the top priority’. Just 16% disagree. Almost all Tories and a majority of Lib Dems and Ukip voters agreed.
The idea Labour lost because they were ‘pro-austerity lite’ was a comforting falsehood for many of us on the Left. Like many liberal-lefties I believed that austerity was an unnecessary burden that hit the poorest while stunting growth. I didn’t believe we could cut our way out of recession. I too went on marches to voice my opinion in the hope that someone other the people walking next to me would listen. I don’t think anyone did.
Time and time again I was told that people voted for the Conservatives instead of Labour because they were ‘basically the same’, and this meant Labour wasn’t far enough to the Left. It was a favoured argument by a chattering-Left whose lives would be relatively untouched by tax-credit cuts or benefits caps. Why would a voter, annoyed at Labour being ‘pro-austerity lite’, disappointed they weren’t left-wing or radical enough, choose to go and vote Conservative? It is counter-intuitive, and this argument is downright illogical. To argue this point is to simply pedal wilful ignorance.
When Ed Miliband spoke the Pioneers nodded along and mostly liked what they heard. When Jeremy Corbyn spoke they hollered and cheered. Jeremy spoke the language that fired up the narrow membership. “Look at the crowds he draws! Can’t you tell that this a movement?” eager friends would tell me. A few older, wiser voices, had seen it all before, those who had seen the mass rallies of the early 80s and damning consequences of delusion. As MP John Golding recalled, when telling Michael Foot how bad the polls were. `He said, “You’re wrong. There were a thousand people at my meeting last night and they all cheered.” And I said, “There were 122,000 outside who think you’re crackers.” I didn’t want me generation to go through the experience that my parents’ did.