Reacting in 1957 to southern blacks’ demands for voting rights, the
National Review declared in a
Buckley-penned editorial that whites were “the advanced race,” while blacks were culturally and intellectually unfit for democracy. “
The claims of civilization supersede those of universal suffrage,” Buckley wrote, labeling assertions to the contrary “demagoguery.” (Less than a decade later, adding an inclusively interracial overtone to his anti-poor condescension, Buckley argued in a debate with James Baldwin, “The problem in Mississippi isn’t that too few Negroes can vote, it’s that too many whites can.”)
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Future Supreme Court justice William Rehnquist, for instance,
worked for Operation Eagle Eye, a 1960s-era Arizona GOP operation that challenged the legitimacy of black and Latino voters at the polls. Then, as now, Republicans couched their support for erecting voting obstacles in terms of voter integrity, with Illinois congressman Robert McClory predicting that in cities like Chicago “fraud would be multiplied many times if the illiterate is going to be given the right to vote.”
When President Jimmy Carter proposed a slate of voting reforms, including same-day registration, the Right pounced. Conservative outlets like the Heritage Foundation and
Human Events raised the specter of mass fraud, with the former
predicting that the legislation would allow “eight million illegal aliens” to vote and the latter warning of “widespread fraud in key urban centers.”
As usual, the legislation’s predicted effects on the GOP’s political fortunes weighed heavily on conservatives’ minds. Republican strategist Kevin Phillips noted that less restrictive voting laws in Wisconsin and Minnesota had boosted turnout and helped Democrats win those states in 1976. He guessed that Carter’s reforms would have a similar impact at the national level, since “most of the new participants, drawn from low-middle and low-income groups, will be Democrats.”
Human Events called the bill “Euthanasia for the GOP,” and Ronald Reagan’s Citizens for the Republic newsletter dubbed it “the Permanent Democratic Majority and Incumbents’ Protection Plan of 1977.”
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In 2013, Republicans administered the coup de grace. The conservative Supreme Court majority it had devoted years to winning
struck down key provisions of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, opening the door to even more draconian voter suppression legislation.
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The National Review’s Kevin Williamson, sounding much like William F. Buckley, groused in 2012, “The sacramentalization of the act of voting represents the worst of the democratic impulse and contributes to the ongoing conversion of our republican institutions into so many tribunes of the plebs.” Longtime anti-ACORN fearmonger Matthew Vadum echoed Buchanan and Reagan in a 2011 American Thinkerpiece titled “Registering the Poor to Vote is Un-American,” claiming that expanding voting was really about “helping the poor to help themselves to others’ money.”
Taking the Right’s view of poor voters to its logical conclusion, conservatives like
Ann Coulter and former House speaker
Newt Gingrich,
among others, have come out in favor of reinstituting literacy tests at the polls; right-libertarians like Jason Brennan have
proclaimed their wholesale opposition to democracy.
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One particularly worrying development coming down the pipeline: a 1982 consent decree barring the GOP from engaging in Eagle Eye–type intimidation tactics — such as “posing as law-enforcement officers and demanding voters’ IDs, sending out intimidating mailings to minority voters, posting misleading or intimidating signs, or standing at the polls to challenge minority voters’ rights to a ballot” — is set to expire next year, meaning that the 2018 midterms could be the first time Americans experience the full weight of conservative anti-voting efforts since the 1970s.
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The Right understands that depressed turnout serves both its partisan and its policy interests.
Nonvoters are to the left of voters on issues like paid sick leave, free community college, a financial transactions tax, and spending on the poor. Where the Right goes wrong is in viewing such opinions as illegitimate, as somehow more injurious to democracy than the well-heeled banker voting to lower his taxes.
The Democrats, though sometime-supporters of voting rights, can’t be trusted on the issue either. They’ve shown themselves all too willing to sacrifice the grassroots organizations (
like ACORN and labor unions) so instrumental to
registration and
get-out-the-vote efforts.