Instructive examples
Last year, officials at the University of Central Lancashire
cancelledan “Israeli Apartheid Week” panel event on the basis it supposedly contravened the IHRA definition. Earlier this year, the
Campaign Against Anti-Semitism trumpeted “similar successes” in getting student-run events cancelled.
Campaigners from the
UK Zionist Federation, the Britain Israel Communications and Research Centre (
BICOM), along with MPs like Labour’s Joan Ryan and the Tories’
Matthew Offord, also
petitioned the government to ban “Israeli Apartheid Week” events on campuses – again, citing the IHRA definition.
Even the Board of Deputies of British Jews – a supporter of the IHRA document – has
acknowledged that “there is a worrying resistance from universities to adopting it [the definition] and free speech is given as the primary reason for their reluctance”.
Just this week, a Conservative councillor in Barnet – the first local authority to adopt the IHRA definition –
moved a motion that seeks to ban any groups or even individuals who support the Palestinian-led Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) campaign from hiring council facilities.
In another instructive example this year, officials from organisations such as the American Jewish Committee and European Jewish Congress tried to get Palestinian BDS activist and human rights defender Omar Barghouti
banned from speaking in the European Parliament.
In a co-signed letter, the organisations claimed that “BDS activists consistently engage in practices, which are considered anti-Semitic according to the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism”, duly citing the example of Israel as a “racist endeavour”.
Again, note how, in practice, the qualifying “could” is rendered immaterial; a Palestinian who seeks to end the violation of his people’s rights is unambiguously smeared as a racist.