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I'm sorry, but democracy does not just emerge as a natural consequence of a struggle for independence from colonialism, as countless countries have discovered. For democracy to take root there has to be an establishment and acceptance of the basic pillars of democracy - a free press, an independent judiciary, secret ballots, the very concept of elected government, limited terms of office, etc etc. Many of these essential ideas came from Britain and were absorbed over a long period of time.
But that's not what happened in India, quite the opposite. The British introduced these "basic pillars of democracy" reluctantly and piecemeal, in response to Indian activism of various kinds, with the aim of consolidating and safeguarding their rule. Along the way, they twisted the principles underlying these "pillars" so as to suit themselves, so that a case may be made that many of the problems of Indian democracy today may be traced back to British policies of the 19th and 20th centuries. They ruled despotically to begin with, via the East Indian Company. Then there was an early 19th century debate over whether the maintenance of British rule was best served by continuing to rule despotically or to apply processes of 'modernization'. The intent of the latter was not Indian liberation but rather to safeguard and justify British rule. But it was only after the massive uprisings against British rule across northern India in 1857-59 and the end of East India Company rule that the British really began to introduce representative forms of governance - and this in part due to the advice of Indian elites who had access to British policy-makers (e.g. Sir Sayid Ahmed Khan explicitly argued in his Causes of the Indian Revolt that denial of Indian participation in the Legislative Council was the most important factor in producing the uprisings). Again, the intent was the consolidation and safeguarding of British rule, to ensure that nothing like 1857 ever happened again.
Even then, things such as free press, the rule of law, elections, etc. were all twisted and flawed in such a way as to serve the safeguarding of British rule. The British regularly shut down newspapers and jailed journalists they considered seditious. The rule of law was applied differently to different categories of peoples in different places. A major factor in the founding of the Indian National Congress was widespread reaction to the watering down of a bill initially introduced to allow British subjects to be tried under Indian magistrates but which was fiercely opposed by Europeans resident in India. The British introduced a separate electorate for Muslims in Bengal in 1909 as a classic means of divide and rule. I'll quote from this book:
In 1905, the British partitioned the province of Bengal along religious lines expressly to stifle rising anticolonial sentiment emanating from Calcutta. The plan was masterminded by Herbert Risley, the race scientist who codified the caste system (based on nose measurements) in the 1901 census. His logic was simple: “Bengal united is a power; Bengal divided will pull in several diff er ent ways.” His aim was “to split up and thereby weaken a solid body of opponents to our rule.” Resistance to this “divide and conquer” tactic was vociferous, exploding into the swadeshi movement, including boycott of British goods and institutions. The anticolonial Jugantar revolutionaries drew on many ethical guides, from international anarchism to the Gita, in their turn to political terrorism. The British were forced to annul the division in 1911. They also conceded a measure of local participation in government for Indians in 1909 but, here again, cannily based political identity on religion, creating separate electorates for Hindus and Muslims. In Britain, the move was hailed for “pulling back . . . sixty- two millions of people from joining the ranks of the seditious opposition.” Once electorates were framed by religion, attendant forms of political association and communication— from parties to newspapers— had to be, too, hardening differences and irrevocably politicizing religious identity.
All these things provoked the resistance which ultimately produced Indian democracy, with all its flaws.
GlastonSpur said:Moreover, power was handed back to India peacefully in the end - it was not the result of a violent revolution. Indeed, one of the reasons the transition was delayed was for fear of widespread violence breaking out between Hindus and Muslims once Britain had left - violence that did indeed begin afterwards on a massive scale.
I'm not sure what the relevance of your characterization of the end of British rule as a peaceful handover of power is. Indians struggled for decades, violently and non-violently, to achieve the sort of rights you are now crediting the British for.
It's also interesting that you mention, by way of contrast with British democracy, Hindu-Muslim communal violence and (elsewhere) Modi's Hindu nationalism, without also ascribing these to the legacy of British rule. While communalism certainly has antecedents in India's pre-colonial history, it was sharpened and hardened by the processes of modernization introduced by the British - things like census enumeration, allocation of resources, electorates, language rights, etc. - as well as by British political policies such as those mentioned in the excerpt above. And Hindu nationalism has its origins in the mid-19th century Hindu reformist movements such as the Brahmo Samaj and Arya Samaj. It developed entirely under British rule from that time to independence. It makes as much sense to argue that Hindu nationalism is entirely a legacy of British rule as it does Indian democracy.