As he pulled that promise out of a hat, the actual history of the border disappeared. From then on in election 2016, there was just empty desert and Donald Trump.
Suddenly, there hadn’t been a bipartisan government effort over the last quarter century to put in place an unprecedented array of walls, detection systems, and guards for that southern border.
In those years, the number of Border Patrol agents had, in fact,
quintupled from four thousand to more than twenty-one thousand, while Customs and Border Protection became the largest federal law enforcement agency in the country with more than sixty thousand agents.
The annual budget for border and immigration enforcement went from $1.5 to
$19.5 billion, a more than twelve-fold increase. By 2016, federal government funding of border and immigration enforcement added up to $5 billion more than that for all other federal law enforcement agencies combined.
Operation Streamline, a cornerstone program in the “
Consequence Delivery System,” part of a broader Border Patrol deterrence strategy for stopping undocumented immigration, is just one part of a vast enforcement-incarceration-deportation machine. The program is as no-nonsense as its name suggests.
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Twenty-one years before Trump’s wall-building promise (and seven years before the 9/11 attacks), the US Army Corps of Engineers began to replace the chain-link fence that separated Nogales, Sonora, in Mexico from Nogales, Arizona, in the United States with a wall built of rusty landing mats from the Vietnam and Persian Gulf wars.
Although there had been various halfhearted attempts at building border walls throughout the twentieth century, this was the first true effort to build a barrier of what might now be called Trumpian magnitude.
That rusty, towering wall snaked through the hills and canyons of northern Sonora and southern Arizona forever deranging a world that, given cross-border familial and community ties, then considered itself one. At the time, who could have known that the strategy the first wall embodied would still be the model for today’s massive system of exclusion.
In 1994, the threat wasn’t “terrorism.” In part, the call for more hardened, militarized borders came in response, among other things, to a never-ending drug war. It also came from US officials who
anticipated the displacement of millions of Mexicans after the implementation of the new North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which, ironically, was aimed at eliminating barriers to trade and investment across North America.
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The unprecedented and desperate
migration that followed came up against what might be considered the other side of the Clinton doctrine of open trade: walls, increased border agents, increased patrolling, and new surveillance technologies meant to cut off traditional crossing spots in urban areas like El Paso, San Diego, Brownsville, and Nogales.
“This administration has taken a strong stand to stiffen the protection of our borders,” President Bill Clinton said in 1996. “We are increasing border controls by 50 percent.”
Over the next twenty years, that border apparatus would expand exponentially in terms of personnel, resources, and geographic reach, but the central strategy of the 1990s (
labeled “Prevention Through Deterrence”) remained the same.
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Although wall construction began during Bill Clinton’s administration, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) built most of the approximately seven hundred miles of fencing after the Secure Fence Act of 2006 was passed. At the time, Senator Hillary Clinton
voted in favor of that Republican-introduced bill, along with twenty-six other Democrats.
“I voted numerous times when I was a senator to spend money to build a barrier to try to prevent illegal immigrants from coming in,” she
commented at one 2015 campaign event, “and I do think you have to control your borders.”
The 2006 wall-building project was expected to be so environmentally destructive that homeland security chief Michael Chertoff
waived thirty-seven environmental and cultural laws in the name of national security. In this way, he allowed Border Patrol bulldozers to desecrate protected wilderness and sacred land.
“Imagine a bulldozer parking in your family graveyard, turning up bones,” Chairman Ned Norris Jr, of the Tohono O’odham Nation (a Native American tribe whose original land was cut in half by the US border)
told Congress in 2008. “This is our reality.”
With a
price tag of, on average, $4 million a mile, these border walls, barriers, and fences have proven to be one of the costliest border infrastructure projects undertaken by the United States.
For private border contractors, on the other hand, it’s the gift that just keeps on giving. In 2011, for example, the DHS granted Kellogg, Brown, and Root, a subsidiary of Halliburton, one of our “
warrior corporations,” a $24.4 million upkeep
contract.
In Tucson in early August, Republican vice presidential candidate Mike Pence looked out over a sea of red “Make America Great Again” caps and t-shirts and said, “We will secure our border. Donald Trump will build that wall.” He would be met with roaring applause, even though his statement made no sense.
Should Trump actually win, how could he build something that already exists? Indeed, for all practical purposes, the “Great Wall” that Trump talks about may, by January 2017, be as antiquated as the Great Wall of China given the new high-tech surveillance methods now coming on the market. These are being developed by a
boomingborder techno-surveillance industry.
The twenty-first-century border is no longer just about walls; it’s about
biometrics and
drones. It’s
about a “layered approach to national security,” given that, as former Border Patrol chief Mike Fisher has
put it, “the international boundary is no longer the first or last line of defense, but one of many.”