US Presidential Election: Tuesday November 6th, 2012

Status
Not open for further replies.
I think they should do an ad where they try to paint Paul Ryan as Romney's mini-me over raising taxes on the poor and middle classes to pay for tax cuts for millionaires.

They should try and actually get Verne Troyer to play Paul Ryan.
 
I think they should do an ad where they try to paint Paul Ryan as Romney's mini-me over raising taxes on the poor and middle classes to pay for tax cuts for millionaires.

They should try and actually get Verne Troyer to play Paul Ryan.

think what the Dems will do is take all the stuff people hate about Ryan and paint Romney with those qualities.

They will not go after Ryan directly. Not a good strategy. It only builds up Ryan. Btw this helps the house races for the Dems. Now they can run against the Social Security and Medicare 'killer' :)
 
That's what he's been doing the whole time, while fretfully covering his right arse-cheek in case the base don't turn up.

I'm not sure Ryan isn't a mistake, though. He may be the golden boy of the right but will he appeal to independents? And he's so ambitious - if ROmney wins will he be controllable? You don't really want a Vice President who goes round doing things.

Cheney ran the country for eight years. ;)
 
Cheney ran the country for eight years. ;)

Well quite!

Jon Chait is bricking it:

It's Paul Ryan's Party: With Romney VP Pick, Movement Conservatives Openly Control GOP At Last

I’m not sure I believe in Freudian slips, and Barack Obama made a similar mistake when he introduced Joe Biden four years ago, but what the hell: When Mitt Romney slipped up this morning and introduced Paul Ryan as "the next president of the United States," he spoke the truth. The premise of my April profile was that Ryan had become the leader of the Republican Party, with the president himself relegated to a kind of head of state role, at least in domestic affairs. As Grover Norquist put it, the only requirement for a nominee was enough working digits to sign Ryan’s plan. Ryan’s prestige within the party is unassailable. If he doesn’t want something to happen, it won’t happen (say, several bipartisan deals to reduce the deficit that he squashed.) If he wants something to happen, however foolhardy (like putting the entire House GOP caucus on record for his radical budget plan despite a certain veto) it will happen. It is Ryan’s party.

The only real question left was how to handle the optics of this reality. The original operating plan of the Romney campaign was to run against the bad economy, and then implement the Ryan Plan, which of course is a long-term vision of government unrelated to the current state of the labor market. Romney’s campaign had been bravely insisting for weeks that the plan was working, or that it was due for a 1980-like October leap in the polls, but clearly Romney did not believe, or had come to disbelieve, its own spin.
So Romney is conceding that the current track of the campaign is headed for a narrow defeat and has decided to alter its course. Obama has successfully defined Romney as an agent of his own economic class, a ploy that was clearly designed to make the attacks on Romney’s policy agenda hit home. (Focus groups had previously found that undecided voters found literal descriptions of Romney’s plan so radical they didn’t believe them.)

Romney has made the risky but defensible calculation that, if he is to concur most of his party’s ideological baggage, he might as well bring aboard its best salesman. And Ryan is that. During his rise to power he has displayed an awesome political talent. He is ambitious but constantly described by others as foreswearing ambition. He comes from a wealthy background but has defined himself as "blue collar," because he comes from a place that is predominantly blue collar. He spent the entire Bush administration either supporting the administration’s deficit-increasing policies, or proposing alternative policies that would have created much higher deficits than even Bush could stomach, but came away from it with a reputation as the ultimate champion of fiscal responsibility.

What makes Ryan so extraordinary is that he is not just a handsome slickster skilled at conveying sincerity with a winsome heartland affect. Pols like that come along every year. He is also (as Rich Yeselson put it) the chief party theoretician. Far more than even Ronald Reagan, he is deeply grounded is the ideological precepts of the conservative movement – a longtime Ayn Rand devotee who imbibed deeply from the lunatic supply-side tracts of Jude Wanniski and George Gilder. He has not merely formed an alliance with the movement, he is a product of it.

In this sense, Ryan’s nomination represents an important historical marker and the completion of a fifty year struggle. Starting in the early 1960s, conservative activists set out to seize control of the Republican Party. At the time the party was firmly in the hands of establishmentarians who had made their peace with the New Deal, but the activists regarded the entire development of the modern regulatory and welfare states as a horrific assault on freedom bound to lead to imminent societal collapse. In fits and starts, the conservatives slowly advanced – nominating Goldwater, retreating under Nixon, nominating Reagan, retreating as Reagan sought to govern, and on and on through Gingrich, Bush and his successors.

Over time the movement and the party have grown synonymous, and Ryan’s nominations represents a moment when the conservative movement ceased to control the politicians from behind the scenes and openly assumed the mantle of power.

...Jonathan Bernstein isn't.

Ryan: a high-risk, low-reward pick

Mitt Romney is rolling out his running mate in the morning, and all signs appear to point to Wisconsin Member of the House Paul Ryan. It’s a high-risk, low-reward pick. Mostly recapping what I’ve been saying about Veepstakes for the last few months:

Political scientists generally have found that good running mates do little to help the ticket in November beyond the possibility of adding a couple percentage points in the vice-presidential candidate’s home state. That is, Paul Ryan is a low-reward pick because all running mates are low-reward picks. Perhaps it’s a little lower than usual: as someone who only represents one congressional district, Ryan is presumably less well known and liked in his home state than typical picks who have won statewide, although since picks from the House are rare, it’s hard to really know.

However, a poor pick can hurt the ticket some nationwide, although probably the only two to really do that over the years were Sarah Palin in 2008 and Tom Eagleton in 1972. Other picks that performed poorly during the campaign – Richard Nixon in 1952, Dan Quayle in 1992, perhaps Geraldine Ferraro in 1984 – haven’t been shown, as far as I know, to have cost any significant number of votes.

Paul Ryan is high-risk for one basic reason: most of the picks who have done badly during the campaign or in office or have looked bad after the fact have one thing in common: very little high-level campaign experience. Those who have survived a presidential campaign or at least multiple statewide (governor or Senate) campaigns have a much better track record. Yes, Ryan has been on national TV quite a bit, but doing that even as a very high-profile Member of the House is just not even remotely in the same ballpark as a national campaign, or even a statewide campaign. That doesn’t mean that he’ll do badly; there’s no obvious alarms as there were with Sarah Palin, who was (incredibly) chosen despite an active ethics investigation against her.

That’s not to say that Ryan will in fact wind up as a pick who hurts Romney in November. It’s just that it is not safe to assume that the clear political skills he’s shown inside the House will translate well. He has, for example, considerably less high-profile debate experience than even the Sage of Wasilla had last time. He’s totally unknown as a national candidate, and it’s hard to predict whether he’ll come across as “presidential” over the next few weeks. We don’t know how he’ll deal with this kind of attention, and while there have been several national profiles of him, we can expect some sorts of embarrassment to be dug up, and we have no idea how he’ll deal with that, either. Again, there’s just a lot more risk here than I think most people realize.

Now, beyond that, three points. First, I would downplay to some extent the idea that picking Ryan will establish the “narrative” of the rest of the campaign in any particular way. For the last few months, the veepstakes have been the biggest game in town; if Ryan does reasonably well, he’ll tend to disappear after the convention. That’s what running mates do. Barack Obama was going to hit Mitt Romney hard on Medicare and the rest of the Ryan budget (which is, in fact, a radical document which puts the Republicans behind any number of highly unpopular positions), but it’s a mistake to believe that having Ryan on the ticket will necessarily make that worse. Again: picking Ryan does not mean that the rest of the campaign will be “about” Ryan’s ideas unless either Team Obama wanted that anyway or this signals that Team Romney wants it now.

Second, Ryan will almost certainly be seen over the next week or three to have “energized” the party. That, too, is almost certainly overstated. Most of that “energizing” effect is structural, and would have happened regardless as long as Romney chose a “solid conservative”.

Third, I don’t think it will doom the campaign or anything like that, but it is worth noting that this is a shockingly inexperienced ticket, especially when it comes to national security and foreign policy. Dan Drezner wrote about Ryan and foreign policy back in the spring, and it’s worth looking at, but there really isn’t much there, I don’t think. Governors almost always pick someone with serious foreign policy or national security credentials, and one would think that would be particularly true with the nation still at war. The only ticket I can think of that was similarly lacking in foreign policy credentials would be Carter-Mondale in 1976, but at least both of them had military service in their backgrounds.

The bottom line about virtually all vice-presidential picks is that they seem far more important to the campaign when they’re made than they turn out to be. That’s probably true for this one, too. But if it does end up having a significant effect in November, it’s almost certainly going to be on the downside, and that’s more likely with Ryan than it would have been with most of the other reported finalists.

Nate Silver is crediting Romney for at least having the self-knowledge to know he had to shake things up a bit.
 
What's amazing to me is anyone is stupid enough to support it. Yeah, the cities of American were so much better when there were no social services! Nothing like streets full of homeless and sick people to keep crime down.

It turns out that it saves society money to help out those that need it. But the rich can afford private security, they can afford to insure everything they own, they can decide to live abroad.

Ryan is the most dangerous Republican politician since Reagan imo, I thought he might get the presidential nomination himself but perhaps he's a bit too young to go that far already. The man is a hell of an actor and a salesman, it seems it doesn't really matter what your message is these days if you can sell it that well.
 
not sure if these people really believe in trickle down economics, which is just propaganda...or if they know that's what it is and just package it in a 'they are all on welfare and taking your jobs message' so they can get the morons to buy it.
 
Just One Reason to Pick Ryan: Blame the Loss on Conservatives

http://www.tnr.com/blog/plank/106035/picking-ryan-isnt-bold-its-highly-risk-averse

There are two ways to think about Romney’s selection of Paul Ryan this morning. The first is how it affects Romney’s prospects for winning in November. The second is how it affects the internal struggle between conservatives and moderates within the GOP.

Regarding the first question, the Ryan pick is, of course, lunacy. Ryan’s claim to fame is a long-term budget blueprint that would massively cut Medicare over the coming decades while essentially zeroing out domestic spending on everything else but defense. It would pair this unprecedented austerity with enormous tax cuts for the wealthy. All of these things are, to varying degrees, wildly unpopular. Which makes it hardly surprising that the only time the Ryan budget actually came before voters—in a 2011 congressional special election in upstate New York—it was a political disaster, handing a safe Republican district to a little-known Democrat.

The argument that Ryan could help Romney in November hinges on the enthusiasm conservatives have for him, and on his personal political dexterity. But, whatever conservative elites may tell themselves, Romney’s problems are emphatically not with the right, which is already highly motivated thanks to its mania over ousting Obama. As one top Republican operative recently told me, “the base’s hatred of the president is so intense that [Romney] has all kinds of room to maneuver.” Rather, Romney’s problem is his historically dismal standing among undecided voters, which Ryan will only weaken.

As for Ryan’s political talent—well, he’s undeniably talented at something. He’s managed to charm the political press corps by putting a reasonable face on extreme policies and routinely wins plaudits as the most thoughtful man in Washington. Unfortunately for the GOP, the relationship between this talent and the talent you need as the front-man for a national political ticket is exceedingly weak. Writing in anticipation of a possible Ryan pick, Jon Chait explained: “The major argument of my profile of Ryan from last spring is that his public persona is a giant scam; but pulling off a scam like that is the mark of a skillful pol.” No, it’s not. It’s the mark of a skillful political operative. And if being a skillful operative could put you in the Oval Office, my family would be visiting the Karl Rove Presidential Library on our vacation this summer. Alas, we are not.

Having said all that, there is a rationale for picking Ryan. It just has little to do with strengthening Romney’s chances this fall. In recent weeks, the presidential race has fundamentally changed. Where the polling once showed Obama with a consistent but easily-surmountable lead, it now shows the race moving out of reach for Romney. As the sober minds at NBC’s political unit put it yesterday:

[W]hen the Olympics began, we wrote that we were basically at halftime of the general election -- and Obama had a narrow lead. Well, it’s a little bigger than that now. (People may want to quibble, but you can’t dismiss every poll on sampling.) There’s clearly movement toward the president and clearly problems for Romney personally.

Predictably, this development has unnerved conservatives, who correctly view Team Romney as whiffing on a once-in-a-generation chance against an incumbent president (albeit for the wrong reasons). The most recent outburst resulted in a fatwa against Romney’s perfectly anodyne press secretary, who had the temerity to channel Romney’s pride over his Massachusetts health care law, which is undeniable.

So, to review, the key recent development is that Romney is poised to lose a race he should by all rights be winning, and conservatives are poised to blame this loss on his ideological moderation. (He not only gave people health care, he wants credit for it!). Against this backdrop, the rationale for the Ryan pick strikes me as pretty clear: Ryan is the way Romney and his aides escape blame for their now-likely defeat—blame which would have vicious and unrelenting—and pin it in on conservatives instead. With only minor historical revisions, they will be able to tell a story about how Romney was keeping the race close through early August, at which point the party’s conservative darling joined the ticket and sent the poll numbers into steady decline.

According to this narrative, the campaign will merely be guilty of a political misdemeanor—being bullied by conservatives into a lousy running mate—not the felony of strategically miscalculating against a historically weak incumbent (which is where the existing storyline was headed). That’s a plea bargain any right-minded politico would take, even if they didn’t consciously consider it in those terms. Moreover, there’s a whiff of Pascal’s Wager to the whole gambit: God (in this case, political salvation through ideological extremism) may not exist. But you don’t lose anything by pretending he does. And, who knows, he may surprise you!

Better still, this won’t just be good for Romney’s historical reputation, and for the future career prospects of his campaign team. It will be good for the entire GOP. Pre-Ryan, a Romney loss would have led to the nomination of a Neanderthal in 2016—someone, like Rick Santorum, who could say he warned the party against a candidate too moderate to take on Obama. Post-Ryan, a Romney loss will be read as a Goldwater-esque act of ideological self-immolation, which the party must resist at all costs if it hopes to win another election. Paradoxically, the Ryan pick is both selfish and selfless at the same time.

What it isn’t, as all the commentators keep insisting, is “bold.” It’s a highly risk-averse move—one that assumes a loss and tries to make the best of it. In that respect, Romney is staying true to himself till the bitter end.

Update: Credit where due--Ezra Klein made a similar point a few days ago. I'd say "great minds," but his is vastly greater than mine...
 
In many ways the Ryan choice is down to one thing -- Romney is going for the hail Mary pass. Keep the message on all about your money and the economy. This is consistent with Romney's strategy all throughout the post-primary campaign. Both guys are money/economics people. Its also down to the Obama campaign boxing him into that small quadrant.

The difficult choice that Romney has is that the Ryan plan is a detailed plan which only opens up to lots of talking points.

Finally, both Romney and Ryan (RnR) are scions of rich families. Not exactly the choice you make for seeking empathy or showing some. This probably says more about Romney and his lack of the common's touch since he thinks he is so focused on the (macro) numbers rather than the soft-sell human side of things.

RnR are quite a contrast to Obama-Biden where their upbringings are of struggle and pain.

You cant have two more dramatically contrasting set of candidates in terms of their upbringing and outlooks.
 
Will be interesting that the October Surprise is some foreign affairs challenge -- Israel bombing Iran... not sure how economic wonks like Romney & Ryan would be perceived then.
 
My first impression of Paul Ryan was that well... he looks like a young Mitt Romney - which can only be considered a bad thing.
 
Ryan's there to try and counteract the Romney old & out of touch miserable git feeling. Unfortunately he just emphasizes it.
 
I wonder what conservative republicans see in the Ryan/Romney version of taxation. The whites in the redneck belt are mostly not wealthy and it seems they would not gain from the Romney/Ryan plan. So why would they support RandR? Maybe it's purely ideological hatred of a half black president and they care more about guns and right to life than improving their personal economic situation. I jest don't see what the many poor republicans would gain by voting for Romney.
 
Thought it might be useful to list the states that are actually still up for grabs. From 538:

538 total votes, 270 to win:

[135 votes]
Colorado: Obama +0.6%
Iowa: Obama 1.5
Florida: Obama 2.2
Virginia: Obama 2.8
New Hampshire: Obama 4.3
Ohio: Obama 4.8
Michigan: Obama 5.0
Nevada: Obama 5.0
Wisconsin: Obama 6.2
Pennsylvania: Obama 6.8
Maine: Obama 8.8

[39 votes]
North Carolina: Romney 0.1
Montana: Romney 7.0
Missouri: Romney 7.3
Arizona: Romney 8.1

Solid Obama: 197 [CA, OR, WA, NM, MN, NY, DC, MD, DE, NJ, CT, RI, MA, VT, HI, IL]

Solid Romney: 167 [UT, ID, WY, ND, SD, NE, KS, TX, OK, LA, AR, MS, AL, TN, KY, GA, SC, WV, AK]

I think my math is right!

So Obama need 72 votes out of the states that don't have a +9% lead for either candidate. If he takes the states where he's leading by more than 5% that's another 58 votes, leaving him needing only 14 which he can get from Ohio where he's ahead 4.8%. So all he needs to do is carry Ohio, Michigan, Nevada, Wisconsin, Pennsylvania and Maine to win, all states where he's currently leading by at least 4.8%.

5% doesn't sound like a huge swing in any one state, but swinging opinion in so many states together will require Romney to score points on a national scale, I wouldn't think it could be done piecemeal at this late point. I wouldn't be surprised if no modern candidate has managed to overcome such a deficit.
 
I wonder what conservative republicans see in the Ryan/Romney version of taxation. The whites in the redneck belt are mostly not wealthy and it seems they would not gain from the Romney/Ryan plan. So why would they support RandR? Maybe it's purely ideological hatred of a half black president and they care more about guns and right to life than improving their personal economic situation. I jest don't see what the many poor republicans would gain by voting for Romney.

Because only homosexuals and hippies vote democratic, obviously. Can you imagine driving a truck around in the back hills of a red state talking about voting democrat? People would question your masculinity and love of Jesus.

Reason went out the window long ago, I fear. Hell, I thought back in the 80s all this trick-down economics was outed as complete nonsense and a front for rich men to dismantle the social programs of American so they can put a few more digits into their overseas accounts they'll never touch.
 
I wonder what conservative republicans see in the Ryan/Romney version of taxation. The whites in the redneck belt are mostly not wealthy and it seems they would not gain from the Romney/Ryan plan. So why would they support RandR? Maybe it's purely ideological hatred of a half black president and they care more about guns and right to life than improving their personal economic situation. I jest don't see what the many poor republicans would gain by voting for Romney.

Probably thinking that they are ruining the lives of;

homosexuals who want the right to marry,

women who aren't ready to have a child and want contraception or an abortion,

the family of victims shot in massacres not stopped by slack ass gun laws,

Hispanic people who get harassed by the police because they 'must be illegal aliens until proven otherwise',

'them black folks who are always taking the white folks money' after they receive less money- but he will get upset when it affect's his benefits,

the people of minority or no faith who he *thinks* will be forced to say the lord's prayer in school (or some bollocks)..

will be enough for him to be happy at their election.
 
Well quite!

Jon Chait is bricking it:

It's Paul Ryan's Party: With Romney VP Pick, Movement Conservatives Openly Control GOP At Last

I’m not sure I believe in Freudian slips, and Barack Obama made a similar mistake when he introduced Joe Biden four years ago, but what the hell: When Mitt Romney slipped up this morning and introduced Paul Ryan as "the next president of the United States," he spoke the truth. The premise of my April profile was that Ryan had become the leader of the Republican Party, with the president himself relegated to a kind of head of state role, at least in domestic affairs. As Grover Norquist put it, the only requirement for a nominee was enough working digits to sign Ryan’s plan. Ryan’s prestige within the party is unassailable. If he doesn’t want something to happen, it won’t happen (say, several bipartisan deals to reduce the deficit that he squashed.) If he wants something to happen, however foolhardy (like putting the entire House GOP caucus on record for his radical budget plan despite a certain veto) it will happen. It is Ryan’s party.

The only real question left was how to handle the optics of this reality. The original operating plan of the Romney campaign was to run against the bad economy, and then implement the Ryan Plan, which of course is a long-term vision of government unrelated to the current state of the labor market. Romney’s campaign had been bravely insisting for weeks that the plan was working, or that it was due for a 1980-like October leap in the polls, but clearly Romney did not believe, or had come to disbelieve, its own spin.
So Romney is conceding that the current track of the campaign is headed for a narrow defeat and has decided to alter its course. Obama has successfully defined Romney as an agent of his own economic class, a ploy that was clearly designed to make the attacks on Romney’s policy agenda hit home. (Focus groups had previously found that undecided voters found literal descriptions of Romney’s plan so radical they didn’t believe them.)

Romney has made the risky but defensible calculation that, if he is to concur most of his party’s ideological baggage, he might as well bring aboard its best salesman. And Ryan is that. During his rise to power he has displayed an awesome political talent. He is ambitious but constantly described by others as foreswearing ambition. He comes from a wealthy background but has defined himself as "blue collar," because he comes from a place that is predominantly blue collar. He spent the entire Bush administration either supporting the administration’s deficit-increasing policies, or proposing alternative policies that would have created much higher deficits than even Bush could stomach, but came away from it with a reputation as the ultimate champion of fiscal responsibility.

What makes Ryan so extraordinary is that he is not just a handsome slickster skilled at conveying sincerity with a winsome heartland affect. Pols like that come along every year. He is also (as Rich Yeselson put it) the chief party theoretician. Far more than even Ronald Reagan, he is deeply grounded is the ideological precepts of the conservative movement – a longtime Ayn Rand devotee who imbibed deeply from the lunatic supply-side tracts of Jude Wanniski and George Gilder. He has not merely formed an alliance with the movement, he is a product of it.

In this sense, Ryan’s nomination represents an important historical marker and the completion of a fifty year struggle. Starting in the early 1960s, conservative activists set out to seize control of the Republican Party. At the time the party was firmly in the hands of establishmentarians who had made their peace with the New Deal, but the activists regarded the entire development of the modern regulatory and welfare states as a horrific assault on freedom bound to lead to imminent societal collapse. In fits and starts, the conservatives slowly advanced – nominating Goldwater, retreating under Nixon, nominating Reagan, retreating as Reagan sought to govern, and on and on through Gingrich, Bush and his successors.

Over time the movement and the party have grown synonymous, and Ryan’s nominations represents a moment when the conservative movement ceased to control the politicians from behind the scenes and openly assumed the mantle of power.

...Jonathan Bernstein isn't.

Ryan: a high-risk, low-reward pick

Mitt Romney is rolling out his running mate in the morning, and all signs appear to point to Wisconsin Member of the House Paul Ryan. It’s a high-risk, low-reward pick. Mostly recapping what I’ve been saying about Veepstakes for the last few months:

Political scientists generally have found that good running mates do little to help the ticket in November beyond the possibility of adding a couple percentage points in the vice-presidential candidate’s home state. That is, Paul Ryan is a low-reward pick because all running mates are low-reward picks. Perhaps it’s a little lower than usual: as someone who only represents one congressional district, Ryan is presumably less well known and liked in his home state than typical picks who have won statewide, although since picks from the House are rare, it’s hard to really know.

However, a poor pick can hurt the ticket some nationwide, although probably the only two to really do that over the years were Sarah Palin in 2008 and Tom Eagleton in 1972. Other picks that performed poorly during the campaign – Richard Nixon in 1952, Dan Quayle in 1992, perhaps Geraldine Ferraro in 1984 – haven’t been shown, as far as I know, to have cost any significant number of votes.

Paul Ryan is high-risk for one basic reason: most of the picks who have done badly during the campaign or in office or have looked bad after the fact have one thing in common: very little high-level campaign experience. Those who have survived a presidential campaign or at least multiple statewide (governor or Senate) campaigns have a much better track record. Yes, Ryan has been on national TV quite a bit, but doing that even as a very high-profile Member of the House is just not even remotely in the same ballpark as a national campaign, or even a statewide campaign. That doesn’t mean that he’ll do badly; there’s no obvious alarms as there were with Sarah Palin, who was (incredibly) chosen despite an active ethics investigation against her.

That’s not to say that Ryan will in fact wind up as a pick who hurts Romney in November. It’s just that it is not safe to assume that the clear political skills he’s shown inside the House will translate well. He has, for example, considerably less high-profile debate experience than even the Sage of Wasilla had last time. He’s totally unknown as a national candidate, and it’s hard to predict whether he’ll come across as “presidential” over the next few weeks. We don’t know how he’ll deal with this kind of attention, and while there have been several national profiles of him, we can expect some sorts of embarrassment to be dug up, and we have no idea how he’ll deal with that, either. Again, there’s just a lot more risk here than I think most people realize.

Now, beyond that, three points. First, I would downplay to some extent the idea that picking Ryan will establish the “narrative” of the rest of the campaign in any particular way. For the last few months, the veepstakes have been the biggest game in town; if Ryan does reasonably well, he’ll tend to disappear after the convention. That’s what running mates do. Barack Obama was going to hit Mitt Romney hard on Medicare and the rest of the Ryan budget (which is, in fact, a radical document which puts the Republicans behind any number of highly unpopular positions), but it’s a mistake to believe that having Ryan on the ticket will necessarily make that worse. Again: picking Ryan does not mean that the rest of the campaign will be “about” Ryan’s ideas unless either Team Obama wanted that anyway or this signals that Team Romney wants it now.

Second, Ryan will almost certainly be seen over the next week or three to have “energized” the party. That, too, is almost certainly overstated. Most of that “energizing” effect is structural, and would have happened regardless as long as Romney chose a “solid conservative”.

Third, I don’t think it will doom the campaign or anything like that, but it is worth noting that this is a shockingly inexperienced ticket, especially when it comes to national security and foreign policy. Dan Drezner wrote about Ryan and foreign policy back in the spring, and it’s worth looking at, but there really isn’t much there, I don’t think. Governors almost always pick someone with serious foreign policy or national security credentials, and one would think that would be particularly true with the nation still at war. The only ticket I can think of that was similarly lacking in foreign policy credentials would be Carter-Mondale in 1976, but at least both of them had military service in their backgrounds.

The bottom line about virtually all vice-presidential picks is that they seem far more important to the campaign when they’re made than they turn out to be. That’s probably true for this one, too. But if it does end up having a significant effect in November, it’s almost certainly going to be on the downside, and that’s more likely with Ryan than it would have been with most of the other reported finalists.

Nate Silver is crediting Romney for at least having the self-knowledge to know he had to shake things up a bit.

Focus groups had previously found that undecided voters found literal descriptions of Romney’s [economic] plan so radical they didn’t believe them.

Very interesting. If most voters actually looked into the details of a candidates economic plan, of course, this wouldn't work. But in America this isn't a problem. Romney doesn't have to answer any direct questions or explain the plan in detail, and he's more than happy to deflect and use any number of logical fallacies to dodge exposing such a radical plan for what it is. And when someone tries to describe the plan to them they won't even believe them because it's so extreme as to beg credulity.

That reminds me about that quote from Hitler about telling a big lie rather than a small one because people won't believe something so terrible.
 
Slashing the deficit...fiscal responsibility....surplus budgets

imagesizer
 
so how does Ryan energize the base? The same teabaggers who were frothing to vote against Obama will be going to vote for Romney/Ryan.

Which new voting block does Ryan help bring over? I will accept that perhaps the margin in Wisconsin gets closer. Other than that?
 
It's worth reading Chait's earlier profile of Ryan. The story on the last page is particularly good.

scary reading.

fortunately Romney himself has disavowed the Ryan Budget. Which begs the question why he was picked.

But this can work to the benefit of the Obama team. Make Romney disavow each line of that budget infuriating the right, or make him run to the plan.

Either way he will lose.
 
Has he? All the speculation I've read seems to think the Ryan Budget is the jewel in the republican political crown, the party destroyed Gingrich for not backing it, hard to believe Romney got the nomination without an understanding that he'd back the budget.
 
Status
Not open for further replies.