On July 20, 2019, Benjamin Netanyahu became Israel’s longest-serving prime minister, surpassing the country’s founding father, David Ben-Gurion. By any measure, this was a monumental feat, though Netanyahu wasn’t in the mood to celebrate. He had a September election to focus on, having been thwarted in his efforts to form a government five months earlier by his old friend Avigdor Lieberman. He also had a set of corruption indictments hanging over his head like a sword of Damocles.
Those indictments have now been filed, closing the first chapter on a three-year process that has implicated family members and colleagues, and exposed incestuous complicity between Israel’s politicians and its press. Netanyahu is charged in three cases that span decades, incriminating him at various points of his political career. Two involve him colluding with Israeli news outlets, promising to either damage their rivals or pay them millions of shekels in return for more favorable coverage. The other is more prosaic: it is alleged that Netanyahu intervened to extend the US visa of Arnon Milchan, an Israeli billionaire, and perform a similar, unnamed favor for the Australian billionaire James Packer. And for these crimes, for which he might serve time in Maasiyahu Prison, Netanyahu received champagne, cigars, and $3,000 worth of jewelry for his wife, Sara.
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The man who delivered Netanyahu’s indictment, attorney general Avichai Mandelblit, could hardly present a starker contrast with the prime minister. As well as being an austere and soft-spoken Orthodox Jew, Mandelblit is almost puritanical when it comes to the law. “Law enforcement is not a choice,” he told the press when making his announcement. “It is not a matter of right or left. It’s not a matter of politics.” Ideologically a Likudnik, he possesses qualities that bring liberals out in hot flashes: a stubborn commitment to democratic norms, principles that transcend party loyalty, and an obsession with the intricacies of the Israeli legal system.
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Mandelblit himself has been intimately involved in steering Israel toward its current autocratic moment: while serving as chief military advocate during Operation Cast Lead, he approved the bombing of a Gazan police academy and then skillfully defended Israel against charges of war crimes after the conflict had ended. This mastery of the law impressed Netanyahu, who tapped Mandelblit to be his cabinet secretary, tasking him with finding retroactive justifications for the seizure of West Bank land.
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Only a few days after Mandelblit announced his indictments, a second long-running court case was concluded, bringing the limits of Israeli democracy into even starker relief. Omar Shakir is still officially the director of Human Rights Watch in Israel-Palestine. Only now he operates from neighboring Jordan, having been deported by Israel following a year-long legal battle. Argue the case online and an Israeli will pop up to defend the decision on the grounds that Shakir had endorsed the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions movement — what other country would tolerate a threat to its very existence? There is a kernel of truth here: Israel does have regressive anti-BDS laws, and these were employed to refuse the extension of Shakir’s visa. But delve deeper into the case and you discover that what Israel labels “BDS” includes calls to boycott the occupied territories, and that it was this — Shakir’s history of anti-settlement tweets and statements — that was primarily cited in the case for deportation. In other words, Omar Shakir was deported for opposing the occupation, not the state itself.