calodo2003
Flaming Full Member
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There seems to be a couple of redeeming qualities about her.She seems very talented!
Obvious "qualities" aside..Is it just me or does she kinda sound like Ivanka? Kinda funny.There seems to be a couple of redeeming qualities about her.
Close your mouth and stop panting and droolingThere seems to be a couple of redeeming qualities about her.
@rimaldo your transcipt has been leakedMore Giuliani transcripts...
DO IT! Custody pending trial should be the bare minimum for this loudmouth.
Biden? Yep, absolutely will.Yet he'll still be the president after the next election
Why would Fox turn on him?I just can't see any way this helps the odds of a Trump win next year. There's the theory that this will energise voters, keep them intersted in politics - but - this won't be his rallies, this will be Trump sitting like the naughty kid in high school, looking old and beaten, quietly pleading the fifth every few minutes. He's got at least 3 trials next year, at the same time he's supposed to be campaigning.
What I find most shocking is that Fox was unable to turn on him. It was so clear last year that Murdoch had given the order that the moron masses needed manipulating towards a less volatile idiot candidate, but even Fox news couldn't sway the base. So now they're back in, because simply they have to be.
It'll probably come down to dem turnout, and the young vote showing up to stop this idiocy. But if their choice is an even older guy? Smart ones will notice that older guy has passed more green legislation than any president in history, but you'd hardly know that from the 'coverage' that we get.
Why would Fox turn on him?
He's the one that makes them money, which is the be-all-end-all as far as Murdoch is concerned, he told us that when asked about the My Pillow guy
He still is a means to an end, that's why they haven't turned on him, Trump will get dropped once the SC denies all his appeals about quashing the jail sentences he'll be gettingNah, not at all. Murdoch makes money by dictating or swaying elections and forcing narratives and agendas.
Trump was a means to an end for Murdoch and he will drop him or pick him up whenever he sees fit.
Why would Fox turn on him?
He's the one that makes them money, which is the be-all-end-all as far as Murdoch is concerned, he told us that when asked about the My Pillow guy
They'd initially pivoted to De Sanctis but he was rubbish.
She has decent qualificationsWe know he didn't hire her based on CV qualifications.
Do tell, which pile of shit?We are such a banana republic. I hope Biden is held accountable for this pile of shite.
And feck Trump too - America deserves better than these geriatric loonies
The latest indictment, clearly silly.
We are such a banana republic. I hope Biden is held accountable for this pile of shite.
And feck Trump too - America deserves better than these geriatric loonies
The latest indictment, clearly silly.
Why is Biden in any way responsible for Trump's indictement?
I fixed your question (in this country, you're presumed innocent until proven guilty and all that) and I'm answering that Jack Smith works for Merrick Garland, who works for Joe Biden.
And this president's DOJ is seeking to prosecute his main political opponent, despite his DOJ couldn't win the case in the first place
It's great that you felt easy about previous scenarios.The documents case is legally solid, although others like Berger, Petraeus, and Clinton violated classified requirements without prosecution. Sandy Berger - Clinton's National Security Advisor - stuffed his pants with classified documents from one of those clean rooms and got away with the slap on the wrist. Prosecuting Trump feels challenging, given past leniency for similar cases.
Regarding January 6th, Trump's actions were disgraceful and outrageous, but proving criminal conduct requires concrete evidence. You actually have to prove that somebody engaged in criminal behavior. And the issue here with this January 6 case is that it relies on novel legal theories. There's actually a really good article in the New York Times of all places explaining this. When you have the New York Times saying that the case is weak, I think it's really indicative. David Leonhardt from the New York Times says:
Shocking as it was, Trump’s behavior on Jan. 6 did not violate any laws in obvious ways. He never directly told those at the Jan. 6 rally to attack Congress. During his speech that day, he even said he knew the protesters would behave “peacefully and patriotically.” It was part of a longstanding Trump pattern, in which — as my colleague Maggie Haberman puts it — “he is often both all over the place and yet somewhat careful not to cross certain lines.” As for Trump’s broader effort to overturn the election result, no federal law specifically bars politicians from attempting to do so.Without such a law, Smith has relied on a novel approach. He has charged Trump with committing criminal fraud and violating conspiracy laws that were not written to prevent the overturning of an election result.
And then he says that the key part of these laws, they revolve around a person's intent and tend to score to the notion of fraud, only if someone is knowingly trying to deceive others can he be committing a fraud. And he says that's why the case seems likely to revolve around Trump's state of mind. So the problem with this is they have to not only prove that what Trump did in the wake of the election was indefensible and outrageous etc, but they have to prove that Trump knew that he lost the election and knowingly perpetrated the fraud. And I don't think you'll be able to ever prove that beyond a reasonable doubt. In his mind, Trump won – and he had all his bootlickers like Giuliani, Sidney Powell, the Pillow guy telling him he won and he should sue – so it’ll be tough for this prosecution to prove their case beyond a reasonable doubt.
While I acknowledge Trump's actions as outrageous, the purpose of criminal law extends beyond expressing disapproval. Conviction requires a clear and straightforward presentation of evidence without resorting to unconventional legal interpretations. The question of why Trump isn't charged with incitement remains intriguing, especially considering the media's portrayal over the last two and a half years. The Department of Justice's assessment under Merrick Garland concluded that they couldn't secure a winnable case, leading to the appointment of Jack Smith as a special counsel to explore alternative prosecution routes.
What you have here instead is prosecutors contorting a civil rights law to indict Trump under the untested legal theory of committing "fraud against the American people." This creative approach raises concerns about potential abuse, reminiscent of the "show me the man, I'll show you the crime" mentality seen in Stalin's Russia.
One can't help but wonder about the timing of these developments. Isn't it rather intriguing that these charges are surfacing years after the initial incident, precisely as we approach the Republican primary season? While those individuals who entered the US Capitol were swiftly charged with crimes a couple of years back, it's quite perplexing that this cascade of legal actions is descending upon Trump at this very moment. One might argue that this sequence of events appears to disrupt an ongoing political process. Ideally, if there were criminal charges to be brought forth, one would have expected them to be filed a couple of years ago, allowing ample time for the legal proceedings to unfold well before another political cycle emerged. Yet, with the current scenario unfolding amid the midst of a political cycle, it certainly induces a sense of unease for me. The specter of three letter agencies potentially influencing the political landscape adds an unsettling layer to the narrative.
I fixed your question (in this country, you're presumed innocent until proven guilty and all that) and I'm answering that Jack Smith works for Merrick Garland, who works for Joe Biden.
And this president's DOJ is seeking to prosecute his main political opponent, despite his DOJ couldn't win the case in the first place
You literally outed your post as ignorant with your first sentence.The documents case is legally solid, although others like Berger, Petraeus, and Clinton violated classified requirements without prosecution. Sandy Berger - Clinton's National Security Advisor - stuffed his pants with classified documents from one of those clean rooms and got away with the slap on the wrist. Prosecuting Trump feels challenging, given past leniency for similar cases.
Regarding January 6th, Trump's actions were disgraceful and outrageous, but proving criminal conduct requires concrete evidence. You actually have to prove that somebody engaged in criminal behavior. And the issue here with this January 6 case is that it relies on novel legal theories. There's actually a really good article in the New York Times of all places explaining this. When you have the New York Times saying that the case is weak, I think it's really indicative. David Leonhardt from the New York Times says:
Shocking as it was, Trump’s behavior on Jan. 6 did not violate any laws in obvious ways. He never directly told those at the Jan. 6 rally to attack Congress. During his speech that day, he even said he knew the protesters would behave “peacefully and patriotically.” It was part of a longstanding Trump pattern, in which — as my colleague Maggie Haberman puts it — “he is often both all over the place and yet somewhat careful not to cross certain lines.” As for Trump’s broader effort to overturn the election result, no federal law specifically bars politicians from attempting to do so.Without such a law, Smith has relied on a novel approach. He has charged Trump with committing criminal fraud and violating conspiracy laws that were not written to prevent the overturning of an election result.
And then he says that the key part of these laws, they revolve around a person's intent and tend to score to the notion of fraud, only if someone is knowingly trying to deceive others can he be committing a fraud. And he says that's why the case seems likely to revolve around Trump's state of mind. So the problem with this is they have to not only prove that what Trump did in the wake of the election was indefensible and outrageous etc, but they have to prove that Trump knew that he lost the election and knowingly perpetrated the fraud. And I don't think you'll be able to ever prove that beyond a reasonable doubt. In his mind, Trump won – and he had all his bootlickers like Giuliani, Sidney Powell, the Pillow guy telling him he won and he should sue – so it’ll be tough for this prosecution to prove their case beyond a reasonable doubt.
While I acknowledge Trump's actions as outrageous, the purpose of criminal law extends beyond expressing disapproval. Conviction requires a clear and straightforward presentation of evidence without resorting to unconventional legal interpretations. The question of why Trump isn't charged with incitement remains intriguing, especially considering the media's portrayal over the last two and a half years. The Department of Justice's assessment under Merrick Garland concluded that they couldn't secure a winnable case, leading to the appointment of Jack Smith as a special counsel to explore alternative prosecution routes.
What you have here instead is prosecutors contorting a civil rights law to indict Trump under the untested legal theory of committing "fraud against the American people." This creative approach raises concerns about potential abuse, reminiscent of the "show me the man, I'll show you the crime" mentality seen in Stalin's Russia.
One can't help but wonder about the timing of these developments. Isn't it rather intriguing that these charges are surfacing years after the initial incident, precisely as we approach the Republican primary season? While those individuals who entered the US Capitol were swiftly charged with crimes a couple of years back, it's quite perplexing that this cascade of legal actions is descending upon Trump at this very moment. One might argue that this sequence of events appears to disrupt an ongoing political process. Ideally, if there were criminal charges to be brought forth, one would have expected them to be filed a couple of years ago, allowing ample time for the legal proceedings to unfold well before another political cycle emerged. Yet, with the current scenario unfolding amid the midst of a political cycle, it certainly induces a sense of unease for me. The specter of three letter agencies potentially influencing the political landscape adds an unsettling layer to the narrative.
I don’t even know why I’m wasting my time but:The documents case is legally solid, although others like Berger, Petraeus, and Clinton violated classified requirements without prosecution. Sandy Berger - Clinton's National Security Advisor - stuffed his pants with classified documents from one of those clean rooms and got away with the slap on the wrist. Prosecuting Trump feels challenging, given past leniency for similar cases.
Regarding January 6th, Trump's actions were disgraceful and outrageous, but proving criminal conduct requires concrete evidence. You actually have to prove that somebody engaged in criminal behavior. And the issue here with this January 6 case is that it relies on novel legal theories. There's actually a really good article in the New York Times of all places explaining this. When you have the New York Times saying that the case is weak, I think it's really indicative. David Leonhardt from the New York Times says:
Shocking as it was, Trump’s behavior on Jan. 6 did not violate any laws in obvious ways. He never directly told those at the Jan. 6 rally to attack Congress. During his speech that day, he even said he knew the protesters would behave “peacefully and patriotically.” It was part of a longstanding Trump pattern, in which — as my colleague Maggie Haberman puts it — “he is often both all over the place and yet somewhat careful not to cross certain lines.” As for Trump’s broader effort to overturn the election result, no federal law specifically bars politicians from attempting to do so.Without such a law, Smith has relied on a novel approach. He has charged Trump with committing criminal fraud and violating conspiracy laws that were not written to prevent the overturning of an election result.
And then he says that the key part of these laws, they revolve around a person's intent and tend to score to the notion of fraud, only if someone is knowingly trying to deceive others can he be committing a fraud. And he says that's why the case seems likely to revolve around Trump's state of mind. So the problem with this is they have to not only prove that what Trump did in the wake of the election was indefensible and outrageous etc, but they have to prove that Trump knew that he lost the election and knowingly perpetrated the fraud. And I don't think you'll be able to ever prove that beyond a reasonable doubt. In his mind, Trump won – and he had all his bootlickers like Giuliani, Sidney Powell, the Pillow guy telling him he won and he should sue – so it’ll be tough for this prosecution to prove their case beyond a reasonable doubt.
While I acknowledge Trump's actions as outrageous, the purpose of criminal law extends beyond expressing disapproval. Conviction requires a clear and straightforward presentation of evidence without resorting to unconventional legal interpretations. The question of why Trump isn't charged with incitement remains intriguing, especially considering the media's portrayal over the last two and a half years. The Department of Justice's assessment under Merrick Garland concluded that they couldn't secure a winnable case, leading to the appointment of Jack Smith as a special counsel to explore alternative prosecution routes.
What you have here instead is prosecutors contorting a civil rights law to indict Trump under the untested legal theory of committing "fraud against the American people." This creative approach raises concerns about potential abuse, reminiscent of the "show me the man, I'll show you the crime" mentality seen in Stalin's Russia.
One can't help but wonder about the timing of these developments. Isn't it rather intriguing that these charges are surfacing years after the initial incident, precisely as we approach the Republican primary season? While those individuals who entered the US Capitol were swiftly charged with crimes a couple of years back, it's quite perplexing that this cascade of legal actions is descending upon Trump at this very moment. One might argue that this sequence of events appears to disrupt an ongoing political process. Ideally, if there were criminal charges to be brought forth, one would have expected them to be filed a couple of years ago, allowing ample time for the legal proceedings to unfold well before another political cycle emerged. Yet, with the current scenario unfolding amid the midst of a political cycle, it certainly induces a sense of unease for me. The specter of three letter agencies potentially influencing the political landscape adds an unsettling layer to the narrative.
This… can’t possibly be serious.The documents case is legally solid, although others like Berger, Petraeus, and Clinton violated classified requirements without prosecution. Sandy Berger - Clinton's National Security Advisor - stuffed his pants with classified documents from one of those clean rooms and got away with the slap on the wrist. Prosecuting Trump feels challenging, given past leniency for similar cases.
Regarding January 6th, Trump's actions were disgraceful and outrageous, but proving criminal conduct requires concrete evidence. You actually have to prove that somebody engaged in criminal behavior. And the issue here with this January 6 case is that it relies on novel legal theories. There's actually a really good article in the New York Times of all places explaining this. When you have the New York Times saying that the case is weak, I think it's really indicative. David Leonhardt from the New York Times says:
Shocking as it was, Trump’s behavior on Jan. 6 did not violate any laws in obvious ways. He never directly told those at the Jan. 6 rally to attack Congress. During his speech that day, he even said he knew the protesters would behave “peacefully and patriotically.” It was part of a longstanding Trump pattern, in which — as my colleague Maggie Haberman puts it — “he is often both all over the place and yet somewhat careful not to cross certain lines.” As for Trump’s broader effort to overturn the election result, no federal law specifically bars politicians from attempting to do so.Without such a law, Smith has relied on a novel approach. He has charged Trump with committing criminal fraud and violating conspiracy laws that were not written to prevent the overturning of an election result.
And then he says that the key part of these laws, they revolve around a person's intent and tend to score to the notion of fraud, only if someone is knowingly trying to deceive others can he be committing a fraud. And he says that's why the case seems likely to revolve around Trump's state of mind. So the problem with this is they have to not only prove that what Trump did in the wake of the election was indefensible and outrageous etc, but they have to prove that Trump knew that he lost the election and knowingly perpetrated the fraud. And I don't think you'll be able to ever prove that beyond a reasonable doubt. In his mind, Trump won – and he had all his bootlickers like Giuliani, Sidney Powell, the Pillow guy telling him he won and he should sue – so it’ll be tough for this prosecution to prove their case beyond a reasonable doubt.
While I acknowledge Trump's actions as outrageous, the purpose of criminal law extends beyond expressing disapproval. Conviction requires a clear and straightforward presentation of evidence without resorting to unconventional legal interpretations. The question of why Trump isn't charged with incitement remains intriguing, especially considering the media's portrayal over the last two and a half years. The Department of Justice's assessment under Merrick Garland concluded that they couldn't secure a winnable case, leading to the appointment of Jack Smith as a special counsel to explore alternative prosecution routes.
What you have here instead is prosecutors contorting a civil rights law to indict Trump under the untested legal theory of committing "fraud against the American people." This creative approach raises concerns about potential abuse, reminiscent of the "show me the man, I'll show you the crime" mentality seen in Stalin's Russia.
One can't help but wonder about the timing of these developments. Isn't it rather intriguing that these charges are surfacing years after the initial incident, precisely as we approach the Republican primary season? While those individuals who entered the US Capitol were swiftly charged with crimes a couple of years back, it's quite perplexing that this cascade of legal actions is descending upon Trump at this very moment. One might argue that this sequence of events appears to disrupt an ongoing political process. Ideally, if there were criminal charges to be brought forth, one would have expected them to be filed a couple of years ago, allowing ample time for the legal proceedings to unfold well before another political cycle emerged. Yet, with the current scenario unfolding amid the midst of a political cycle, it certainly induces a sense of unease for me. The specter of three letter agencies potentially influencing the political landscape adds an unsettling layer to the narrative.
I fixed your question (in this country, you're presumed innocent until proven guilty and all that) and I'm answering that Jack Smith works for Merrick Garland, who works for Joe Biden.
And this president's DOJ is seeking to prosecute his main political opponent, despite his DOJ couldn't win the case in the first place