Back in 1992, Spy magazine ranked his lobbying firm as the “sleaziest” of all in the Beltway, giving it a “blood-on-the-hands” rating of four. That was a full bloody hand more than the rating accorded to runner-up
Edward von Kloberg, whose clients – listed in his Rolodex under “d” for “dictators” – included Iraq’s Saddam Hussein, Romania’s Nicolae Ceausescu, and Liberia’s Samuel Doe. It’s no surprise that
when asked by the Washington Times what historical figure he’d like to meet, Manafort replied Machiavelli.
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Two people loaned him money to purchase the latter property: Tom Barrack, Trump’s major campaign funder, and an arms dealer named Abdul Rahman El-Assir, who is suspected of paying kickbacks to secure French weapons deals to Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. Those two countries are accused of having illegally funded the 1995 presidential campaign of France’s Édouard Balladur, which was run by Manafort; the entire affair is currently under investigation by French authorities.
In more recent years, Manafort has worked to advance the cause of Viktor Yanukovych, the Ukrainian leader who was forced to flee for Moscow a few years ago in the face of popular protests. He’s also offered financial and political advice to Oleg Deripaska, a Russian oligarch whose criminal activities in post-Soviet left him banned from the United States, and to a Ukrainian gangster and gas billionaire named Dmitro Firtash who is currently wanted by the FBI for bribery and organized crime.
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Manafort himself has been the target of at least one criminal probe. During the George H.W. Bush presidency, Congress investigated a firm Manafort co-founded that allegedly obtained millions of dollars inappropriately from the Department of Housing and Urban Development to rehabilitate low-income housing. Manafort
forthrightly described his business model to congress Congress, telling lawmakers that “for the purposes” of their investigation, “you could characterize this as influence peddling.” (More than a dozen federal officials were convicted in the scandal, but Manafort was never charged.)
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When Reagan ran against Carter in 1980, Manafort coordinated the Republican juggernaut’s campaign in the south and expertly pushed racial buttons to dredge up support from poor, conservative whites. Reagan famously kicked off his campaign with a speech in Philadelphia, Mississippi — a spot Manafort had picked with care. In 1964, three civil rights activists were murdered there, and the area still had a significant Ku Klux Klan presence. Days before the event, the Klan firebombed a black church and beat worshipers not far from the town.
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BMSK’s team supplemented their growing influence by making eye-popping political contributions. Clients were dying to sign up. Early customers included Salomon Brothers, the Wall Street investment bank that at the time was dreaming up mortgaged-backed securities and other instruments of future financial doom; Rupert Murdoch’s News Corp.; and the Tobacco Institute, whose chief message was that smoking looked good, tasted great, wasn’t addictive and wasn’t particularly harmful to your health, either.
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But the firm’s domestic lobbying was actually pretty tame next to its overseas adventures. Mobuto Sese Seko of Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo), who even today is considered to be a veritable model of kleptocratic rule, signed a $1 million deal with the firm in the 1980s to help win continued U.S. economic aid.
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In 1985, BMSK signed up Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines, another of the era’s most profligate kleptocrats, who had ruled under martial law for more than a decade. Unfortunately, popular protests forced Marcos to flee to Hawaii just a few months later. Black Manafort reported receiving its final payment on record from the Chamber. But the company managed to get paid by the dictator, including $258,000 for reimbursements “for all manner of pricey meals and travel,”
according to Politico — just as the dictator was heading out of town with every dollar he could stuff in his suitcases.
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He netted millions of dollars in fees from Oleg Deripaska, a metals magnate who had been barred from entering the United States due to his alleged ties to Russian organized crime.
In 2006, Manafort and Rick Davis, another Reagan administration alum, were paid by Deripaska and other oligarchs to win U.S. support for Montenegro’s independence referendum, which was narrowly approved by voters.
What’s curious is that Sen. John McCain, who is reflexively anti-Russia and anti-oligarch on virtually every issue, came out in favor of Montenegro’s independence after talking things over with Manafort and Davis, who are two of his largest historic campaign fundraisers and allies. (Indeed, Davis ran McCain’s 2008 presidential campaign into the ground.)
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At the same time Manafort was retained by Rinat Akhmetov, a billionaire Ukrainian oligarch who, according to a New York Times account, “is reputed to have emerged from a bloody power struggle among organized crime groups in the 1990s that sought to control the mighty coal and steel assets of the Soviet Union.”