Leo Varadkar T.D.
The Sunday Times published my article yesterday on the election of Donald Trump. Here's what I wrote:
The election of Donald Trump as the 45th President of the United States was unexpected. The tight result and low turnout of barely 50% was no landslide. Rather it reflects a deeply divided country and a population significantly disengaged from politics. Even though Hillary Clinton narrowly won the popular vote, Trump had a clear victory in the Electoral College by winning a majority of States. As a consequence, he will be the next President. If we respect democracy we have to respect its results.
True this is the fifth time in American history - and the second time in this century alone - when the person winning the popular vote has not won the election. But that is the way the US system works. Perhaps President Trump will change it. After all, he tweeted in 2012 that ‘the electoral college is a disaster for democracy’. Or perhaps not.
This weekend is a good opportunity to pause, and recall that the cultural, economic and familial ties that bind America and Ireland go back centuries. These ties are far more important than the identity of any office holder on either side of the Atlantic. We will maintain those ties and we will strengthen them.
The election, of course, raises questions and perhaps also teaches us some lessons. In many ways the campaign and its outcome has echoes of Brexit. It mirrors the shift to nationalism and populism in Poland and Hungary. It may yet presage serious developments closer to home, such as a challenge by Marine Le Pen to become President of France and Geert Wilders in the Netherlands.
Traditionally, politics divides left and right. That is still true, but less so than in the past. A new divide is emerging internationally between modern, global liberalism on the one side and nostalgic, often populist, nationalism on the other.
The first group believes that globalisation and migration are good things on balance. They warm to multi-culturalism, want more free trade, fewer borders and barriers, approve of international institutions like the EU and UN as the only means to tackle transnational problems like climate change and threats to international security, and they seek to empower women, LGBT citizens and minorities. They generally like the world and want more of it.
The other group has different priorities. They are not to be dismissed, but to be understood. These people haven't benefited so much from the enormous economic changes underway. They may fear or disagree with cultural changes. In America, the UK and elsewhere, they include voters without a college education who find it harder to access the good jobs on offer in the globalised economy. Once they might have secured paid, pensionable and secure jobs in mining or manufacturing. Now it's low-paid, precarious jobs in the service industry.
They also include more conservative voters who are uncomfortable with the social forces that are reshaping our world. Many grew up in a world run by political, military and business leaders who were white, male and Christian. It had been that way for centuries. It is no longer.
The rapid shift in economic power to Asia, record migration, aggressive secularisation and even the rise of women into leadership positions does not sit well with them. They are neither racist nor sexist but are attracted by the nostalgia of an era when things were better for them, and much simpler. So slogans such as 'Make America Great Again' or 'Take Back Control' have a visceral and emotional appeal.
I think three lessons can be gleaned from the forces now guiding international politics. The first is that the public do not like or trust politicians. As we saw in the campaign, Trump could say or do almost anything and get away with it because he was a celebrity. Clinton, a career politician, was badly damaged by the controversy over an e-mail server, because it seemed to confirm, fairly or unfairly, underlying doubts about her trustworthiness.
For decades, politics has been governed by opinion polls, focus groups, big data and carefully calibrated and tested messages. Today, the public sees through all this and views it as phoney. They crave authenticity almost to a fault. Any sort of candour has become an attribute, even when it's uncomfortable and shocking. Perhaps the quick-witted ambitious First Lady of Arkansas, who shocked middle America in 1992 by saying that she excelled in law because she didn't want to stay home making cookies, might have had more appeal in 21st century America than the scripted, cautious, artificial Secretary Clinton who struggled to connect with voters and articulate their genuine hopes and fears.
Second, those of us who strive for a modern, free, globalised and liberal world need to stand up for what we believe. We must defend and promote our vision of the future, not apologise for it. Global free trade leads to jobs, growth and prosperity. We should never appease those who harbour hostile views about women, ethnic or other minorities. Rather than trying to imitate the apparent authenticity of Donald Trump, we should look to Obama, who eight years ago offered a message of hope that was thoroughly modern and forward-looking.
Finally, and perhaps most importantly, we need to respond to the fact that the changes in the global economy have not benefited many people. Achieving full-employment - unemployment is under 5% in America - is not enough. People need good jobs that provide a decent standard of living. They need security, a safety net when things go wrong, and access to a pension when they retire. Above all, they need to believe that next year will be better than the last.
This will require a shift in the international economic orthodoxy of recent years towards one that goes for growth and is more focused on raising living standards than other metrics. Some economists will no doubt point out the risks. However, not rebalancing policy in this manner will bring much greater risks.
Not all of this applies to Ireland. But some of it does. Brexit passed because Remain politicians failed to connect with voters, failed to respond to their hopes and fears or to persuade them of a better future. The same can be said of the recent American presidential election. We face both risks and opportunities in the years ahead. But if we recognise that the answer is to trust people with the truth, and have faith in them to respond through a genuine engagement with the issues, presented in an authentic way, then we need not fear the future.