Mciahel Goodman
Worst Werewolf Player of All Times
- Joined
- Apr 27, 2014
- Messages
- 30,004
I think it is the distilling of the macro into the absolutely micro which seems to simplify (except in "meta" conversations like these where you can clarify exactly what is meant).If you're looking at things through constructivism then the events you cite are also the result of personal interactions amongst those who initiated them, both Putin and western leaders. Its not making a moral call on who is right or wrong, its simply distilling macro-level events down to interactions among very small groups of elites who make them.
Another example would be the 2003 decision to invade Iraq, which was largely made off of very narrow groupthink among a small group of senior Dubya advisors, where no one wanted to be the odd man out by promoting an alternate view, therefore everyone was incentivized to agree with Wolfowitz, Cheney, and Rumsfeld's postions. You can combine constructivism with structural realism to create an even broader framework.
I agree with the part in bold. A combination of the two which explores the macro in structural realist terms and then reframes it according to the distillation of said macro forces within the individual actor makes most sense. That means we retain the historical nuances and impersonal aspect of long-term state behavior whilst also adding the agentative aspect which a purely structural reading tends to lack (that has always been the critique of structuralism in all its forms).
The more I think about it, the more it becomes clear that the micro/macro distinction is intrinsically dialectical (irreducibly dialectic). The macro is the sum total of all instances of "micro" whereas "micro", conceived as the distillation of the macro into that ruling class of elites which control the key state structures (its "repressive apparatuses") is akin to a kind of symbolic macro understood in (tautologically) micro (embodied/individualized) form. From which you get the colloquial idea of the head of state as being the symbol of the state itself (like in feudal times when the kingdom and king were irreducible). It's this top-down (by virtue of bottom-up) concept which explains the dialectic and this holds for dictatorships as well as democracies (how long until the bottom forces the top, which is Putin, into changing course; or, how long do western governments have, in terms of inflation and cost of living crises, worsened by Russia's invasion, before the bottom no longer buys into the idea of undergoing hardship for the sake of a foreign country). Also, I agree that constructivism works better for autocracies (though still think a blend of structuralism/constructivism is best) because the institutional value of those countries is much weaker (the president of the US is limited in ways that an absolute dictator is not).
btw, the power of the state is its bottom. The bottom have less (sometimes, no) means of direct influence via individual action, but it is only because of the bottom that the top possess said direct means in individualized form. The top that would abstract itself from the bottom will not remain "top" for long. In abstraction there is a divestment of labour, but the validation of the top exists only insofar as it possess utility (otherwise the question becomes "what need have we of them?"). So, historically speaking, collective action has been undermined by those who wish to keep the bottom weak (or atomized). Such moves are self-harm or moving dirt under the carpet. The top, must, over time, be toppled and it must occur via "class mobility" or there is no carpet large enough to conceal the dirt which accrues as a consequence (realpolitik). You can only stage the "symbolic toppling" so many times before a people understand that the symbol is removed from practicality (that, from the ground, all, at the top, has melted into air [this is what "out of touch" means]). Elections in a two-party system are like symbolic topplings: this one the bad guy now, that one the enemy next. In an autocracy, the analogue might be the perceived or real improvement of conditions by proxy (like Putin's control over the oligarchs or his criminalization of key security figures as a way of 1) centralizing state control, 2) symbolically recognizing state culpability but in a "not-me" manner of acting). Such falls apart over time. A revolution is that kind of collective action which occurs primarily due to the worsening of the bottom's day-to-day living conditions (their purchasing power or their lives, literally, as in the prospect of a self-suicide war). Combine the two (both Russia and the West are doing just that) and you have revolutionary conditions.
Nor should it be a surprise that collective revolutions ultimately lead to a reinstatement of a top-down mechanism (the top cannot outweigh the bottom, either in power or in numerical value, which amounts to the same thing). Too many chefs - leads to many chefs being culled and many more being demoted to the role of cook. Anything which sparks collective action (any event) is without fail sabotaged by the top (sabotage may not be successful, initially, but the attempt always occurs). The appropriation of the collective cause by some individual or group of such which wishes to mislead it, misdirect its target away from the actual top and push it to some harmless peripheral position (BLM - from taking control of the streets to kneeling before sporting events, an ironic 360 insofar as the act of kneeling was meant to protest and trigger something more tangible than said individual act of kneeling). But, and this is important, key concessions do emerge even as the social order is reinstated (it is reinstated upon the understanding that concessions have been made, in fact). This is the history of all social movements (from women's liberation to the civil rights era). The mistake is to assume that such struggles have an end point - they don't. Insofar as the top-bottom dichotomy remains in place, there will always be occasional rebellions by the bottom against the top; collective attempts to recalibrate an ailing social order via the extraction of concessions.
Nor should it be a surprise that collective revolutions ultimately lead to a reinstatement of a top-down mechanism (the top cannot outweigh the bottom, either in power or in numerical value, which amounts to the same thing). Too many chefs - leads to many chefs being culled and many more being demoted to the role of cook. Anything which sparks collective action (any event) is without fail sabotaged by the top (sabotage may not be successful, initially, but the attempt always occurs). The appropriation of the collective cause by some individual or group of such which wishes to mislead it, misdirect its target away from the actual top and push it to some harmless peripheral position (BLM - from taking control of the streets to kneeling before sporting events, an ironic 360 insofar as the act of kneeling was meant to protest and trigger something more tangible than said individual act of kneeling). But, and this is important, key concessions do emerge even as the social order is reinstated (it is reinstated upon the understanding that concessions have been made, in fact). This is the history of all social movements (from women's liberation to the civil rights era). The mistake is to assume that such struggles have an end point - they don't. Insofar as the top-bottom dichotomy remains in place, there will always be occasional rebellions by the bottom against the top; collective attempts to recalibrate an ailing social order via the extraction of concessions.
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