It’s too soon to conclude that Clinton’s historic unfavorability will spell defeat in November. Yet as Nate Silver
noted with regard to Mitt Romney’s (less pronounced) unpopularity in April 2012, we should not dismiss these early numbers either. At the very least, they make it plain that Clinton faces an image deficit greater than any challenger in recent memory, including landslide losers like Walter Mondale, Michael Dukakis, Bob Dole, and John McCain.
Generally, however, the “electability” argument skips past Clinton and concentrates on Sanders. And here the case against Sanders divides into three general paths — one, guided by historical analogy; another, driven by pundit fears and fantasies; and a third, oriented around voter ideology and demographics. None are persuasive.
The most common way to dismiss Sanders is to lump him in with previous progressives battered by conservatives in general elections — usually Mondale in 1984 or
George McGovern in 1972. “The early enthusiasm for Sanders reminds me of the McGovern and Mondale races, where two good men were only able to win one state each in their presidential campaigns,” former Louisiana senator John Breaux
told the New York Times in January.
The logic of this analogy turns on the idea that McGovern and Mondale both lost for the simple reason that they were too liberal for American voters. The first rebuttal is almost too obvious to spell out: the 2016 electorate looks nothing like the 1972 or 1984 electorate — quite literally, it is a different set of people.
Very old, and very lazy. As Daniel Denvir
has written, the combination of factors that produced the McGovern disaster bears almost no resemblance to the political situation today. In 1972 the Democratic Party was in a state of flux.
McGovern captured the nomination with about 25 percent of the primary vote; over 23 percent went to the Alabama white supremacist George Wallace. Major party leaders like AFL-CIO boss George Meany, meanwhile, refused to support McGovern in the general election against Nixon.
Today both major parties are far more ideologically unified and more polarized. Although the Democratic Party elite has so far shunned Sanders, he is almost as popular as Clinton among the party’s rank and file. If Sanders wins a clean majority of the primary vote, it’s hard to imagine any significant chunk of the Democratic coalition abandoning him in a general election against the Republicans.
But the historical analogies miss the mark for an even more fundamental reason. McGovern and Mondale did not lose because they were too liberal,
but above all because they faced Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan, popular incumbents presiding over economic booms.
The 1972 and 1984 blowout losses conform closely to
electoral models that measure vote totals based on underlying economic conditions, without taking any account of candidate identity or ideology. The Democrats were doomed no matter who they nominated.
Across the primary season, Sanders himself has rebuffed “electability” arguments by pointing to poll results. In hypothetical matchups against the three leading Republicans (
Donald Trump,
Ted Cruz, and
Marco Rubio) he beats them all soundly, and polls better than Clinton in every case.
We may be skeptical about the predictive power of these findings, nine months before Election Day. But it’s wrong to call them “
absolutely worthless,” as one political scientist told
Vox last week.
In a comprehensive analysis of elections between 1952 and 2008, Robert Erikson and Christopher Wleizen
found that matchup polls as early as April have generally produced results close to the outcome in November.
Even much earlier “trial heats” seem to be far from meaningless. As partisan polarization has increased over the last three decades, there’s some evidence that early polling has become more predictive than ever.
In all five elections since 1996, February matchup polls yielded average results within two points of the final outcome.
Sanders is far from an obscure or unknown figure. Across
sixteen national surveys since New Year’s Day,
an average of 85 percent of Americans knew enough about Sanders to form an opinion of him.
This is not the profile of a candidate flying under the radar. John Kasich, who fits that description, elicited an opinion from just 53 percent of respondents in the
eleven surveys that asked about him. More Americans have a decided view of Sanders than either Rubio (
77 percent) or Cruz (
81 percent).
That view is strongly positive. Sanders’s
favorability ratio of 51 percent positive to 38 percent negative is the best of any candidate in the race, by far. His favorability with independent voters is also much higher than any of his rivals, including Clinton, Trump or Rubio.
There is simply no historical precedent for a major party nominee as popular and well-known as Sanders collapsing in a general election.
Some
gleefully apocalyptic liberals have likened Sanders to Michael Dukakis, who held an early polling lead over George H. W. Bush before ultimately losing by a large margin in 1988. Yet the comparison falls apart before it begins.
A stiff technocrat, Dukakis won the Democratic primary not by packing arenas with passionate supporters, but chiefly by having more impulse control than Gary Hart and being whiter than Jesse Jackson.
And his early polling strength was clearly a mirage, as contemporaries noted: only 52 percent of voters even had an opinion of him in May 1988. Dukakis was John Kasich, not Bernie Sanders.