Your comment singling out that irrelevant part of the quote smacked of a subtle attempt to delegitimize Palestinian armed struggle. The hidden subtext is that Palestinians just couldn't wait to kill Jews.
You're reading things into my argument that just aren't there. I've said in this thread and others that Palestinian resistance to Zionism was and is completely natural and understandable - in resisting Zionism initially they were behaving pretty much as humans throughout history have reacted to the attempt by foreigners to impose themselves on a native society. Previously on here I drew a contrast with how the Arabs of Syria/Lebanon etc. responded to the influx of Armenian refugees during and after WW1 to show that Arab opposition to Zionism wasn't fundamentally about hatred of infidels or xenophobia, but about rejecting a political project which aimed to make them a minority in their homeland.
What I find interesting are the particular forms this resistance has taken as the Palestinians have increasingly self-identified as a collective over the decades. I believe these distinguish it from other comparable cases and have had an impact on the nature of the conflict and Zionist/Israeli actions and behavior, and are too readily ignored or dismissed by people who seem to believe that only Zionist/Israeli behavior are relevant to how it has played out. In that respect, with South Africa in mind it's worth noting not only the difference in emphasis on the centrality or otherwise of armed struggle to the cause, but also the actual stated goals of the resistors - compare the ANC Freedom Charter with the PLO and Hamas equivalents. To dismiss, for example, the fact that by their own self-definition, the Palestinians and their cause are inextricably tied to the Arab and Islamic worlds in ways that impact upon how that cause is pursued is to not take the Palestinians seriously as a people IMO.
Another point I think should be made is that the formation of MK was hardly the last resort to armed resistance by the natives that is ultimately the core of your argument. Mandela would have been well aware of how armed resistance to colonisation had turned out for the people of the region in the centuries preceding the 1960s. He had the benefit of seeing how non-violence had worked in India. It didn't however take him long at all to switch to violence.
My argument was based solely on the Mandela quote you posted. I don't know enough about the early years of opposition to Apartheid to show Mandela was wrong, but I'll take your word for it.
I think it's hard to justify the implication that the resort to violence was too readily adopted. The Arabs endured significant provocations throughout the beginnings of zionist immigration.
Again you're reading an implication that isn't there in my argument. It's not for me to say whether or not or at what stage force was justified in resisting Zionism, it's not a moral judgement I'm trying to make, that's just not the way I approach the history (or at least I
try not to). I agree that broadly speaking the Zionists, like most Europeans of the time, regarded the Arabs generally with contempt if they regarded them at all, and that the mainstream and revisionist Zionist factions rejected compromise or negotiations with the Arabs during the mandate years (although they had, initially, different ideas on how to win Arab acceptance without actually talking to them).
When you refer to "the Mufti's involvement in the 1929 violence", what is it you are referring to?
Just his role in fueling the initial panic over the Western Wall which fed into the violence that followed. I mentioned him only because he's the only actor who could be described at that time as something of a national figure although, as I argued, I don't think it's meaningful to speak of a collective Palestinian national action until the course of the revolt of the late 30s.