The social anatomy of the two parties reflects the shifting tectonics of American political economy in the 2010s, stuck between the supposed imperatives of green re-industrialization and those of on- and off-shore fossil-fuel production; inflation-fighting and continued demand for the dollar as the world’s safest asset. Two blocs have coagulated around this complex. On the one hand, a cross-class, carbon-intensive coalition is grouped around Trump and his cronies, mostly purged of gop neo-conservative stalwarts, and trading suburban conservatives for peripheral blue-collar workers, along with rural petty bourgeois, exurban middle management, real-estate capitalists, crypto merchants, Silicon Valley’s right-wing and steel producers who survived the
laissez-faire onslaught of the 1980s. By contrast to the coalition that Reagan assembled, Trump’s is denuded of white college graduates but buoyed up by degreeless whites.It benefits enormously from the anti-majoritarian features of the American Constitution and relies on voter suppression both formal and informal for its mandate. Its mobilizational capacity is now cushioned by a Ford-like tech tycoon who hopes to use Trump to guarantee his access to state funds, while some labour leaders have warmed to a newly revisionist right in the party formally interested in co-determination schemes and collective wage bargaining.
On the other side stands a broad-tent Democratic Party which seems to have redefined the very notion of ‘inter-class’. Sociologically, the dncnow houses urban professionals, left-liberal activists, civil-rights veterans, intelligence operatives and every faction of American capital from Palo Alto ‘progressives’ to Wall Street
haute finance. A visitor to this year’s National Convention in Chicago noted that it now acts as the party of labour and of capital; the party of debtors and of bankers; the party that mocks the Ivy League but is largely run by Ivy Leaguers; the party of anti-monopolists and of Silicon Valley; the party for immigrants and for border security; the party of insiders and of the marginalized; the party of the football team and of the sorority; the party of family and of freedom; the party of ceasefires and of the war machine; the party that opposes fascism but abets a genocide.That even-handedness needs correction, though: bankers and war-mongers predominate in Democrat ruling circles, the indebted and the marginalized among its rank-and-file. Perhaps the nearest comparison would be an inverted Peronist developmental bloc, with the industrial proletariat left out and finance capital firmly in the saddle over its manufacturing counterpart.
https://newleftreview.org/issues/ii149/articles/anton-jager-hyperpolitics-in-america